Resource Protection
Blood and Oil... (based on Michael T Klare's writing - source
>)
On Control
Control oil and you control nations; control food and you control
people.
Henry Kissinger, 1970 |
America's dependence on imported petroleum has been growing steadily
since 1972, when domestic output reached its maximum (or "peak")
output. Yet America's total oil consumption remains on an upward
course; meaning ever more of the nation's total petroleum supply will
have to be imported.
An increasing share
of that oil will come from hostile, war-torn countries in the developing world,
not from friendly, stable countries such as Canada or Norway. This is the case
because the older industrialized countries have already consumed a large share
of their oil inheritance, while many producers in the developing world still
possess vast reserves of untapped petroleum.
An historic shift in the center of gravity
We are seeing an
historic shift in the center of gravity for world oil production—from the industrialized countries of the global North to the developing
nations of the global South, which are often politically unstable,
torn by ethnic and religious conflicts, home to extremist organizations,
or some combination of all three.
Because oil is viewed as the primary motive for U.S. involvement
in these areas, and because the giant U.S. oil corporations are seen
as the very embodiment of U.S. power, anything to do with oil—pipelines,
wells, refineries, loading platforms—is seen by insurgents as
a legitimate and attractive target for attack.
The Middle East
In January 1980—in response to the Soviet occupation
of Afghanistan and the Islamic revolution in Iran—President Jimmy
Carter announced that the secure flow of Persian Gulf oil was in "the
vital interests of the United States of America", and that in
protecting this interest, the United States would use "any means
necessary, including military force".
Carter's principle of using force to protect the flow of oil was
later cited by President George H W Bush to justify U.S. intervention
in the Gulf War of 1990-91, and it has been the underlying strategic
rationale for America's invasion and occupation of Iraq ever since. Capt. Kurt Tidd, commander
of the Fifth Fleet task force recently told the New York Times, "In
the grand scheme of things there may be no other place where our armed
forces are deployed that has a greater strategic importance." During
an October 2006 press conference, Bush declared that the U.S. could
not “tolerate a new terrorist state in the heart of the Middle
East with large oil reserves that could be used to fund its radical
ambitions or used to inflict economic damage on the West.”
Despite the bluster and high-minded rhetoric about planting the seeds
of democracy in the Middle East, the underlying motivation for the
Iraq war and subsequent occupation has been first and foremost about
securing the flow of oil.
I am saddened that it is politically inconvenient
to acknowledge what everyone knows: the Iraq war is largely
about oil.
- Economist Alan Greenspan, chairman
of the Federal Reserve from 1987 to 2006, when asked why the
United States invaded Iraq |
In late October 2002, columnist Maureen Dowd of the New York Times
would later reveal, Halliburton, the energy services company previously
headed by Vice President Dick Cheney, had prepared a confidential
500-page document on how to handle Iraq's oil industry after an invasion
and occupation of Iraq. This was, commented Dowd, "a plan [Halliburton]
wrote several months before the invasion of Iraq, and before it got
a no-bid contract to implement the plan (and overbill the U.S.)."
Guarding the pipelines
Originally,
America’s “protection” policies were
largely confined to the world's most important oil-producing region:
the Persian Gulf. But given America's ever-growing requirement for
imported petroleum, U.S. officials have begun to extend it to other
major producing zones, including the Caspian Sea basin, Africa and
Latin America. American sailors are now on oil-protection patrol in
the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea, the South China Sea, and along
other sea routes that deliver oil to the United States and its allies.
In fact, the U.S. military is increasingly being converted into a
global oil-protection service.
The energy potential of the Caspian
basin has been a hotbed of speculation hope and the construction of
a pipeline from Baku to Ceyhan spurned the U.S. to establish military
ties with future suppliers, including Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, and
the pivotal transit state of Georgia.
Typically, such moves are justified
as being crucial to the "war on terror".
A close reading of Pentagon and State Department documents shows,
however, that anti-terrorism and the protection of oil supplies are
closely related in administration thinking. When requesting funds
in 2004 to establish a "rapid-reaction brigade" in
Kazakhstan, for example, the State Department told Congress that such
a force is needed to "enhance Kazakhstan's capability to respond
to major terrorist threats to oil platforms" in the Caspian Sea.
Another example of our involvement in pipeline protection is in
Latin America. In Colombia, our government is already spending hundreds
of millions of dollars to enhance oil-infrastructure security, beginning
with the Cano-Limon pipeline, the sole conduit connecting Occidental
Petroleum's prolific fields in Arauca province with the Caribbean
coast. As part of this effort, U.S. Army Special Forces personnel
from Fort Bragg, North Carolina, are now helping to train, equip,
and guide a new contingent of Colombian forces whose sole mission
will be to guard the pipeline and fight the guerrillas along its 770km
route.
View an interactive
world map of the world's energy assets and the accompanying "protection" America
provides. |
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Patrolling the seas
An increasing share
of U.S. naval forces is also being committed to the protection of
foreign oil shipments. The navy's 5th Fleet, based at the island state
of Bahrain, now spends much of its time patrolling the vital tanker
lanes of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz—the narrow
waterway connecting the Gulf to the Arabian Sea and the larger oceans
beyond.
The navy has also beefed up its ability to protect vital sea lanes
in the South China Sea—the site of promising oilfields claimed by
China, Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia—and in the Strait of
Malacca, the critical sea-link between the Persian Gulf and America's
allies in East Asia.
Even Africa has come in for increased attention,
one officer told Greg Jaffe of the Wall Street Journal in June 2003
that "a key mission for U.S. forces
[in Africa] would be to ensure that Nigeria's oilfields, which in
the future could account for as much as 25% of all U.S. oil imports,
are secure".
The Energy Cost of War (fuel expenditures)
In 2007 alone, the U.S. military in Iraq burned more than 1.1
billion gallons of fuel. (American Armed Forces generally
use a blend of jet fuel known as JP-8 to propel both aircraft
and automobiles.) About 5,500 tanker trucks are involved in
the Iraqi fuel-hauling effort. That fleet of trucks is enormously
costly. In November 2006, a study produced by the U.S. Military
Academy estimated that delivering one gallon of fuel to U.S.
soldiers in Iraq cost American taxpayers $42—and that didn’t
include the cost of the fuel itself.
At that rate, each U.S.
soldier in Iraq is costing $840 per day in fuel delivery costs,
and the U.S. is spending $923 million per week on fuel-related
logistics in order to keep 157,000 G.I.s in Iraq. Given that
the Iraq War is now costing about $2.5 billion per week, petroleum
costs alone currently account for about one-third of all U.S.
military expenditure in Iraq.
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Our Future - More Blood for Oil...
The use of U.S. military personnel to help protect vulnerable oil
installations in conflict-prone, chronically unstable countries is
certain to expand given three critical factors:
- America's ever-increasing
dependence on imported petroleum,
- a global shift in oil production
from the developed to the developing world, and
- the growing militarization
of U.S. foreign energy policy.
This, then, is the future of U.S.
military involvement abroad. While anti-terrorism and traditional
national-security rhetoric will be employed to explain risky deployments
abroad, a growing number of American soldiers and sailors will be
committed to the protection of overseas oilfields, pipelines, refineries
and tanker routes. And because these facilities are likely to come
under increasing attack from guerrillas and terrorists, the risk to
American lives will grow accordingly. Inevitably, Americans will pay
a higher price in blood for every additional liter of oil they obtain
from abroad. |